I was greatly relieved to learn from Michael Hirschorn’s piece in The Atlantic that The Economist, my preferred news source and one of my favorite publications in general, is not going to go under any time soon and is in fact prospering while the rest of the ‘old media’ crumble. The reasons Hirschorn gives for this are not surprising: The Economist has managed to monopolize a niche market with a combination of Olympic editorial standards, a cosmopolitan and intelligent eye, forthright opining and not least a sly marketing strategy with which the Economist brand has acquired an unsurpassed cachet of intelligence and worldliness, whether or not it deserves it. Hirshorn’s criticism of the newspaper is also spot on:
At its worst, the writing can be shoddy, thin research supporting smug hypotheses. The “leaders,” or main articles, tend to “urge” politicians to solve complex problems, as if the key to, say, reconstituting the global banking system were but a simple act of cogitation away.
Too true, although the tendency towards overconfident consul (and frequently sloppy science reporting) are only small blots on their otherwise exemplary record.
Reading Hirschorn’s piece, I began to wonder what it is about the “global news digest” model that I find so appealing. I gave up reading the local Australian boradsheets a long time ago, but have never quite been able to articulate what it is I disliked about them, only that it consistantly felt like I was being told things I neither wanted nor needed to know.
Skimming through the Sydney Morning Herald, for example, I am struck by not only the quality but the irellevance of so much of the content. A fair proportion of local or national news reporting is made up of “minor but exciting event” stories: factory fires, natural disasters, competition winners, murders, and so forth. It is not obvious why these things are reported in a general medium such as a newspaper. A factory fire has very little effect on anybody except people who have a direct connection to the factory in question, and they would presumably know already – so why report it in a national newspaper?
There are two explanations usually given for this kind of reporting. The first is the ‘news as entertainment’ model – we like these stories for their shock or titillation value, and the fact that they actually happened has relevance only as a thin excuse for their publication, or as an extra kick of excitement – “based on a true story!” The second is that such reports make readers aware of events which are common or becoming more common and hence may one day affect them, although of course they have the opposite effect: such stories only bias our perception of the actual probability of such events. If we genuinely wanted to be able to correctly anticipate the probability we will be murdered, for example, we would demand that newspapers never publish stories of gruesome murders, lest they influence our perception of the real risk, and instead report regularly on the crime rate in the driest possible terms. We would read specialist journals or trade magazines reporting on events that do have direct relevance for us – perhaps forensics experts would pick up the latest copy of Gruesome Murders Weekly – but by and large the big broadsheets would only contain a digest of recent legislation and statistical trends.
It would be a presumptuous mistake to think that The Economist serves this role. We readers may be smug with the sense that we are rising above such trivia by reading a pure digest of truly important global events, but The Economist is no such thing. Last week I read a detailed account of the issues surrounding logging and property rights in the Brazilian Amazon. How is this any more relevant to me than the latest factory fire? At least the factory fire story has entertainment value. Why is it that I feel the topics on which The Economist reports are so much more interesting and important? More importantly, why do so many people feel the same way that the newspaper is thriving in spite of market conditions?
It is entirely possible that the whole thing comes down to pure status signaling. Cosmopolitanism and knowledge about world affairs are, at least in Western society, very strong signals of high intelligence and status. If I can be permitted to indulge in some armchair psychology, this is because “knowledge of world affairs” is a powerful synergy of two other status symbols. In-depth knowledge about a narrow subject can signal intelligence, but it also can carry negative connotations – nobody wants to be the nerd. However, when this knowledge is in the domain of world affairs, you are simultaneously signaling a connection to the domain of global leadership, of important people doing important things, which (especially for males) is a very strong signal of high social status and neatly counters the downside of heavy domain-specific knowledge. In this model, The Economist serves simultaneously as a token of this high-status signal and a source of information and conversational topics with which to repeatedly send it. Its forthright editorializing thus serves a dual role, as a signal to the reader of the newspaper’s self-confidence and as a steady source of informed opinions for the reader to adopt.
Yet this does not seem an entirely satisfying explanation. I frequently disagree with The Economist’s editorial positions, and this does not diminish my appreciation of the newspaper – if anything, it assures me that I am able to process even their reporting with a critical eye. I appreciate The Economist’s unabashed position-taking all the more because I do not feel I am being pandered to as a reader. When it comes to status signalling, readers may have as much to gain as they do to lose: I have met more people who seem to use disdain for The Economist’s cachet as a countersignal for their own anti-elitism than I have those who profess to read it themselves. Whatever the secret to The Economist’s success, I hope they keep it.

